Religious ritual and well-being

Contrary to the typically negative view of ritual found in key psychological texts, this chapter draws on a new trend according to which religious ritual offers a range of positive mental health benefits, from reduced anxiety to meaning in life and sense of community. Adopting a phenomenological perspective, it examines two key rituals: the tranquillity and fulfilment respondents ascribed to Sabbath observance and the strengthening of identity from wearing a headdress for Jewish and Muslim women.

Is there more to ritual than mere habit? Religious ritual has had a bad press from psychology in the twentieth century, notably from two of the century’s most eloquent and influential psychologists, Freud and Maslow. Freud’s (1907) paper Obsessive Actions and Religious Practices offered compelling descriptions of similarities between obsessive actions and religious practices in that both involve a self-perpetuating cycle of anxiety arousal when the ritual is not performed, assuaged by the performance of the ritual. The driver for both obsessive actions and religious ritual is anxiety. Freud’s further suggestion that religion was a collective neurosis has served to inhibit serious empirical study of ritual. If one follows Freud’s argument, religious ritual is at best habit held in place by the mechanism of anxiety reduction. Once this truth is exposed, ritual is exposed as irksome and pointless: a nuisance.

Eloquent derogation of ritual continued with Maslow’s (1964) Religions, Values and Peak Experience: “Religion as a set of habits, behaviors, dogmas, forms, which at the extreme becomes entirely legalistic and bureaucratic, conventional, empty, and in the truest meaning of the word, anti-religious. The mystic experience, the illumination, the great awakening, along with the charismatic seer who started the whole thing, are forgotten, lost, or transformed into their opposites. Organised religion…finally may become the major enem(y) of the religious experience and the religious experiencer.” Maslow’s sentiments are in line with and foreshadow the development of spirituality in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries (see Heelas and Woodhead 2005). The spirituality ethos promotes the fostering of positive feelings and experiences in the individual, in contrast with religiosity which promotes collectively agreed, divinely originated moral rulings about thought, speech and behaviour as well as feelings and experiences. In contrast to Freud and Maslow, a number of social scientists have observed that religious ritual offers a range of positive mental health benefits. It has been suggested that ritual, worship and prayer affirm faith and invoke aid and comfort by a deity when the individual is unable to control the everyday world. Rituals can reduce anxiety and uncertainty and offer structures for emotional expression (Benson and Stark 1996; Hinde 1999; Pruyser 1968), create meaning in life, foster personal identity and overcome ambivalence and ambiguity (Erikson 1963). Rituals can serve as forms of communication, binding people together, enhancing social organisation and sense of community. Other suggestions include Jacobs’ (1992) observation based on cross-cultural evidence that ritual may limit mental disturbance via its cathartic effects and its potential to create emotional distancing. Victor Turner (1975) suggests that rituals assist those engaged in them in the pursuit of resolving conflicts and restoring psychic and social equilibrium. The ritual of confession common to many religious traditions is recognised as an effective way of achieving catharsis (Pennebaker 1997). From a religious point of view the “aim” of rituals is to connect to the sacred; for the believer the social and psychological “benefits” are of secondary importance. Current empirical work on ritual (e.g. Pargament 1997; Koenig et al. 2012) confirms these social-scientific claims: Ritual is one of the so-called positive methods of religious coping which result in positive mental health outcomes for individuals under stress. Recently there has been a strong growth of interest in understanding human behaviour from the phenomenological and experiential perspectives. We have been examining some religious rituals and customs using this approach, looking at experiential accounts of ritual.

The First Study: Sabbath Observance

In the first study to be described here, Sabbath-observant Jews were interviewed. The specifics of observance can vary between groups and individuals, but for all, the Sabbath (Shabbat/Shabbos) is the weekly day of rest and observance in Judaism as prescribed in the fourth commandment. It is ushered in by lighting candles just before sunset and is a time for contemplation, study and prayer with an emphasis on family gathering through the Sabbath meals. For those who observe it, Shabbat is a precious gift from G-d, a day of great joy eagerly awaited throughout the week, a time when one can set aside all weekday concerns and devote oneself to higher pursuits rather than a day of restrictions. In Jewish literature, poetry and music, Shabbat is described as a bride or queen, as in the popular Shabbat hymn Lecha Dodi Likrat Kallah (come, my beloved, to meet the [Sabbath] bride). The study used qualitative analysis, and the number of participants recruited (13) was guided by the aim of achieving conceptual saturation (not by statistical power considerations; e.g. Elliott et al. 1999). A purposive sample was recruited; criteria for inclusion were that participants should be adult (over 18), Jewish and self-defined as Sabbath-observant. Nine were recruited in London, UK, and four in New York; there were seven men and six women, of whom five were now married, six single and two widowed. The age range was 20-81 (mean 44.2). Participants were offered the options of face-to-face interviews (chosen by seven) or, if preferred, by telephone or written responses (chosen by six). Eight interviews were conducted by a male interviewer and five by a female interviewer. Interviews were semi-structured and lasted approximately 1 h. We asked: (a) Age, sex, occupation. (b) How long have you been an observant Jew? (c) Tell me about your experience of observing the Sabbath. (d) Describe a “typical” Sabbath. What do you do? (e) In what ways does the Sabbath differ from the other days of the week? (f) Do you feel differently during the Sabbath compared to the other weekdays? In what way(s)? (g) Do you feel the Sabbath has benefits for your wellbeing? What are these? (h) Does the Sabbath influence your relationship with other people? How? (i) What aspects of observing the Sabbath make you feel good? (j) Are there any negative effects of observing the Sabbath? We used thematic analysis, using the procedures for establishing reliability recommended by Elliott et al. (1999). Three broad themes were identified (Dein and Loewenthal 2013). In the quotes that follow, we use the Ashkenazi pronunciation Shabbos as preferred and used by most interviewees. The themes were: 1. Shabbos is different from other days of the week. The observance of Shabbos includes not doing weekday work, handling money, using telephone, computing or transport and other mundane activities. The research participants said that this offers not only rest and relaxation, but a powerful sense of freedom, enhanced spirituality and the opportunity to reflect on ultimate values. Most people felt free from their daily worries and preoccupations, and mood is better. Shabbos is a safe haven. We step away from our worries and involvement with worldly activities. One is innately aware of an elevated atmosphere.

Shabbos is different from other days of the week. I completely unplug from the rest of the world. I shut down electronically. It’s a spiritual day. I focus on what matters most, reflect on the week, take a step back from the roles of real life. Spend time with family and friends. Shabbos seems to have an elevating effect. Also the community comes together so there is a warm atmosphere in the home and at Shul…. On Shabbos one feels positive in general. Shabbos is a completely different experience to every other working day of the week. It provides a weekly focus and important things in life and not on the ephemeral. One does not have to deal with daily stresses and strains and with the difficulties that throws up every day. We are taught that we are obligated to feel happy on Shabbos. Of course it has tremendous benefits. Too many to list here but just separating oneself from every day serious issues and deadlines I do believe the break has health and constitutional benefits. For me it helps to put the passage of life into perspective. Shabbos is different on other days of the week. I act differently, dress differently. You do not need to worry about errands, there is nothing you can do about them on Shabbos. It is Shabbos, you should enjoy it. The pressure is off, you do not have to perform to the world. People at Shul can help you through any troubles you might be having. I feel more relaxed. I do not worry about school work. When it is over the chaos of the real world is back. If you forget to do something there is nothing you can do on Shabbos so your worries are irrelevant. I feel at peace with myself and the creator on Shabbos. As I developed individually, so did my Shabbos. However, the release from weekday concerns and activities produced paradoxical effects for some. A vacuum was created into which worries and concern can rush, and it can be difficult to deal with the inability to take action. If you forget to do something there is nothing you can do on Shabbos so your worries are irrelevant. Sometimes because you cannot do anything about them. However, since you cannot get distracted by electronics you have more time to think about things so bad thoughts tend to escalate. On Friday nights it can be more challenging set aside in one’s mind whatever serious concerns one may be dealing with (although) usually by Shabbos day it is easier not to focus on them so much and a break is a very healthy one.

2. Shabbos preparation fills the week. The idea of Shabbos was present during the week, something to be anticipated, normally with pleasure and relief, and as something for which practical and sometimes spiritual preparations were to be made well in advance, often on a daily basis. I suppose in a way Shabbos really starts on a Wednesday morning. In the psalm of the day 94 (for Wednesday) at the end we add “add on” a couple of verses from the next psalm 95 which happen to be the opening verses of Kabbolas Shabbos which we say as a Shabbos begins on Friday evening. This sort of gives us an impression or hint we are counting down to Shabbos which is fast approaching. Then we carry on with Wednesday, Thursday…. It takes the focus of the whole week, though often (it’s in the) background, submerged by weekday concerns. But each day I do a bit for Shabbos, shopping, baking, cooking, so that it is not too much of a last minute rush. I look forward to Shabbos to get away from things just when bored your mind tends to wander. Stressed out week, cannot wait for Shabbos. 3. Deepening relationships. The freedom from work and weekday commitments and meals with family and/or friends gave the opportunity to improve and deepen the quality of family and other social relationships.

I have made lots of friends in Shabbos. We interact more with friends and family on Shabbos than in the week. Also the nature of the interaction is different in that in the week, often we speak to achieve physical and operational goals “did you buy laundry detergent?” On Shabbos we actually communicate and discuss where we are in life and stock take. There is a feeling of wellbeing gathering. The family sit down, talk together, sing and enjoy. The kids come from school excited asking “when is Shabbos?” They bring things from school: drawings, stories, divrei torah (stories, parables and other material based on biblical and rabbinic sources). I learn with them on Shabbos. I can finally talk to people for hours on end without the usual hustle and bustle of the work week, which normally get in the way. It allows us to speak without technology blocking our pathway. It is time to share with one’s family, children, friends, and to enjoy the company of guests. There are no phone calls, e-mails, daily grind. It helps one to remember the inevitability of one’s mortality so I would hope with help one to be better, kinder and more tolerant person.

Problems Observing Shabbos

Three of those interviewed noted specific problems with Shabbos observance, even in a relatively tolerant multicultural society. These were related to the need to leave work on Friday in time to reach home well before sunset. In winter this can mean having to leave work very early. Communication with managers and colleagues can be difficult. The only negative effects observing Shabbos: it is a little challenging to explain to others especially in the work place. I used to explain to colleagues about not being able to teach or attend meetings, or do other work on Friday afternoon and in winter etc. I have always been fortunate in having colleagues who are respectful and understanding. I have always tried not to exploit their good nature and always tried to pull my weight, do my fair share of work, making sure I do some of the horrible chores, if necessary working through some or even all of Saturday night.

Our Conclusions About Ritual from the Sabbath Study

Goldberg (1986) concluded that the Sabbath is a special day, offering time to contemplate, withdrawal and rest from mundane concerns and deepening relationships. These aspects can potentially improve feelings of mental wellbeing. Our findings are in agreement with Goldberg’s, indicating that the 30-year interval has not, on our evidence, affected the experiences of Sabbath observance. It did not appear that Sabbath observance was driven solely or even at all by the process that Freud suggested, namely, that observance involves a set of habits observed because failure to do so would result in anxiety and guilt. While these feelings may play a role, our research participants indicated that the motivations experienced are positive: pleasant, eager anticipation in preparation, heightened spiritual awareness and deepened interpersonal relationships.

Maslow’s concern that ritual observance would inhibit or stifle spiritual experience is not confirmed by our evidence. Contrary to Maslow’s suggestion, there were widespread reports that during the Sabbath, one’s mind is free of weekday concerns and electronic distractions and one is able to contemplate, study and discuss profound issues: the nature of the divine, for example, or the purpose of existence. The weekly work-free day has been adopted in many cultures and religions. In slavery and in some totalitarian regimes, the work-free day has often been abolished. In secularised countries, the work-free day clings on in tattered form, denuded of its spiritual significance, and often only available in a manner that makes family togetherness difficult or impossible, for example, by varying the free days of different workers and work places. We suggest that the work-free day even in its vestigial form is a humane institution, and with religious customs and rituals it can retain integrity as a time of existential and spiritual refreshment and deepening of relationships.

Second Study: Head Covering by Women

In this study, we examined a different aspect of ritual (dress codes) and we looked at how a particular aspect of dress codes functioned for women in the expression and development of religious identity. We focused on women’s head covering in Islam and Judaism. Other religious traditions also have dress codes and standards of modesty, including head covering, but we confined ourselves to the experiences of women in two religious traditions. As we started the study, we took the decision that our theoretical perspectives would focus on two potentially important aspects: 1. Identity Views on the development of religious identity have shifted. Early work looked at religious conversion, whether individuals remained in the religion of their family of origin or shifted their religious identity and whether this shift happened suddenly or gradually (e.g. Scobie 1975). Later work recognised the complexity of themes (or motifs; Lofland and Skonovd 1981), moved towards the view of continual lifelong development (Day 1993; Fowler 1981) and also attributed importance to acts of describing religious change (e.g. Staples and Mauss 1987). Two early and influential theories are social identity theory (SIT; Tajfel and Turner 1986) and Marcia’s development (1966) of Eriksen’s view of identity. SIT has been concerned with identity based on group membership and intergroup relations, while Marcia’s proposals (and the work which followed) have rested heavily on the Eriksonian (1963) idea that identity development is the outcome of adolescence. These theories give negligible attention to the notion of lifelong process in the development of identity, but contain important features. This study drew on Breakwell’s (1986, 2010) identity process theory (IPT) which sees identity as a dynamic process, involving constant self-monitoring and assimilation of and accommodation to the social context. Identity involves structured, hierarchical content. Table 8.1 Acculturation strategies. (Based on Fig. 1, Acculturation strategies, in Berry 1997) Importance of own-group identity and values Importance of High Low relationships with High Integration Assimilation wider society Low Separation/segregation Marginalisation archical content, with elements varying in centrality and salience and with values appended to elements. The content of identity includes both social elements (group memberships, roles, etc.) and individual elements (values, beliefs, etc.). Changes in social context can call forth changes in identity, depending on personal relevance and involvement, amount of change demanded and how negative the change is considered to be. An important feature of IPT is the notion of threat to identity: threats to esteem, efficacy, distinctiveness or continuity will trigger coping, and responses to diminish threat may be of any kind. 2. Acculturation strategies We also found Berry’s (1997) suggestions about acculturation strategies helpful in understanding the importance of political/historical factors: integration and segregation result from a positively valued own-group identity and assimilation and marginalisation from unvalued own-group identity (Table 8.1). Clothing has been said to play a major role in the expression of religious identity. There is some sociological and anthropological literature (e.g. Humphreys and Brown 2002; Boswell 2005) but negligible social psychology.

Methods

This work focused on the issues surrounding dress codes regarding head covering for Muslim and Jewish women. First, these dress codes and their variations are described, with the focus on head covering. Translated (mainly Internet) sources of Sharia (Islamic law) and Halacha (Jewish law) on modest dress are used to set the context of religious rulings in which women wrestle with decisions about head covering. Descriptions of women’s attitudes to, and experiences of, head covering are drawn from open-ended questionnaires ( n = 6), semi-structured interviews ( n = 5; two from previous projects), conversations and observations, mainly in small acculturating communities in the UK. All questionnaires, interviews and conversations were with women. In the Jewish community, observations and conversations were as a participant in the community. Among the Muslims, some material was gathered in Saudi Arabia (thanks to Lamis Al Sulaim) and in conversations with friends. Peek’s (2005) study of Muslim women in the USA was also used as a source of material. Belzen (2010) in Towards a Cultural Psychology of Religion argues for a hermeneutical approach involving a wide range of sources, as used here.

Some Religious Rulings on Head Covering: Islam

A hijab or ḥijābis a veil which covers the hair. It is worn by Muslim women particularly in front of non-related adult males. According to Islamic scholarship, hijab is given the wider meaning of modesty, privacy and morality. The Qu’ran mentions the use of covering and veiling with the words khimār ( رامخ ) and jilbab ( بابلج , not hijab), respectively. Still another definition is metaphysical, where al-hijab refers to “the veil which separates man or the world from God”. Hijab is required on women in public in countries such as Iran and Saudi Arabia, but is banned in schools in France, Turkey and formerly also in Tunisia. Wearing a hijab is left for individuals to decide in most of the world. The term hijab or veil is not used in the Qur’an to refer to an article of clothing for women or men, rather it refers to a spatial curtain that divides or provides privacy. The Qur’an instructs the male believers (Muslims) to talk to wives of Prophet Muhammad behind a hijab. This hijab was the responsibility of the men and not the wives of Prophet Muhammad. However, in later Muslim societies this instruction, specific to the wives of Prophet Muhammad, was generalised, leading to the segregation of Muslim men and women. The modesty in Qur’an concerns both men’s and women’s gaze, gait, garments and genitalia. The clothing for women involves khumūr over the necklines and jilbab (cloaks) in public so that they may be identified and not harmed. Guidelines for covering of the entire body except for the hands, the feet and the face are found in texts of Figh and Hadith that are developed later. Judaism The Talmud in Tractate Ketubot states that married Jewish women may not appear in public with their hair uncovered. This prohibition is described as a biblical law, and a verse from the Torah is cited to substantiate it. Two levels of obligatory hair covering are then delineated: complete and partial covering. Partial coverage of the hair fulfils the more basic standard of “Dat Moshe” or the “Law of Moses”. This level is the one that the Rabbis say is alluded to in the Bible. Complete coverage of the hair, though not mentioned in the Torah, is still necessary in order to satisfy the requirements of Dat Yehudit or “conduct deemed proper for a Jewish woman” (Ask the Rabbi 12.7.12). Sheitel ( לטייש ) is the Yiddish word for a wig worn by some Orthodox Jewish married women in order to conform to the requirement of Jewish law to cover their hair. This practice is part of the modesty-related dress standard called tzniut. The Shulchan Aruch (code of Jewish law) cites the opinion of Rabbi Joshua Boaz ben Simon Baruch that wearing of wigs is a permitted form of hair covering. In some Hasidic sects, sheitels are avoided as they can give the impression that the wearer’s head is uncovered. In other groups, women wear some type of covering over the sheitel to avoid this misconception. In significant contrast, the Lubavitcher Rebbe encouraged all married Jewish women to wear only sheitels. He suggested that if they were to exert a benign influence in society as communal leaders, professionals and the like, they would create a good impression if their hair covering was in the form of a sheitel. Most orthodox married women (especially Sephardim) and Israeli National Religious do not wear wigs because their rabbis believe that wigs are insufficiently modest and that other head coverings, such as a hat or tichel, are more suitable (Wikipedia 12.07.2012). Many/most married orthodox women will cover their hair in the home (as well as in public).

Studies of Religious Change in Relation to Head Covering

There have been some (social-scientific) studies describing religious change in both Islam (e.g. Peek 2005) and Judaism (e.g. Loewenthal 1988). In both faith traditions, women report head/hair covering as a hot topic, involving the sense of identity and strong feelings. Political/historical factors are important. The decision to cover the head/hair is seen as a major reflection and determinant of identity. We now describe some important themes in women’s own experiences of head covering and the decisions surrounding it. 1. Historical and political factors Several women highlighted the importance of the political-historical factors contextualising their decisions to adopt religious head covering. Often the decision was taken as a deliberate and potentially risky way of asserting spiritual identity. Before World War II, My grandmother in Germany wore a sheitel (wig). During the war she was in concentration camp, was (very exceptionally) rescued, became a refugee, and there were no facilities (for sheitels). Some years after the war it became possible for her to wear a sheitel (they became available). When she put on a sheitel (again) we were all very proud of her (for asserting the identity for which she had suffered so much). (Jewish) In Stalinist Russia, My father was sent to Siberia for teaching Judaism. We kept Judaism, every time the neighbours became suspicious we had to move to a different city. We trembled to hear the knock on the door (from the KGB)…after the war, I left Russia, I was married and living in a provincial city where my husband was a Rabbi, the synagogue president came to visit me. He explained: “Here you can be modern, you don’t have be oppressed, you don’t have to wear a wig (sheitel).” I told him my family’s history, and told him: “You are an important person, a justice of the peace, but if Stalin could not make me behave, I don’t think you can.” (Jewish) After 9/11, “…my mum wants me to take my headscarf off because she’s terrified that someone is going to hurt me.” The students said that at this time it was more important than ever to declare their Muslim identities and faith in Islam…another girl saw that some of the girls were afraid to wear their hijab, but she said “We have to keep our identity…fear G-d and have strength.” (Muslim; from Peek 2005) Sometimes, however, the decision may have strong pragmatic elements. In some countries the reason is that it is the only (legally) acceptable dress code; girls simply do not think whether they want to wear it (Hijab) or not. (Muslim)

2. Spirituality/religious ruling For both Jews and Muslims, head/hair covering is understood to be a religious commandment. To disobey would be wrong, going against religious law, and there are spiritual/mystical aspects. It is a requirement in Jewish Law as set out in the Torah. (Jewish)

Appreciating the mystical significance & tremendous benefits that such self-control can have. (Jewish)

Wearing hijab can imply that one is representing Islam, which means that one is abiding by Islamic rules in all aspects of life. (Muslim)

(Wearing Hijab makes one) “more aware of God on a daily basis and hopefully become more practicing as a Muslim in many other ways.” (Muslim)

3. Relations with men The message here is that head covering and other aspects of modest dressing give both Jewish and Muslim women a sense that they are safe from masculine attention, and in Judaism, where hair covering is done at marriage, hair covering builds a closeness to the husband. To create a unique intimacy and the deepest bond with one’s husband. (Jewish)

By keeping such a crucial aspect of a woman’s whole persona for the unique benefit of her husband is a key tool in building their whole relationship, trust & bond over time. (Jewish)

It helps create a kind of wall around the holiness of marriage. (Jewish)

Provides a sense of privacy, modesty and morality and also women wearing hijab can control how much man can see them or cannot, so that they feel protected. (Muslim)

To be modest in dress. Women, more than men, are judged by their looks so they might be wearing hijab because they don’t want to be judged by their looks. It’s one less thing to worry about at a time when women are obsessed with looks and image, when you wear hijab you are less aware of trying to look “right” all the time with the perfect hair and clothes. (Muslim)

4. Identity Head/hair covering is a key feature of identity expression and is seen as indicating ones distinct difference from the surrounding society.

It is also a good example to one’s children as to how we are a different people and have different ethics and code from others in society. (Jewish)

When I got married, it wasn’t really a question: it was my Jewish identity, in my family. (Jewish)

Asserting her Islamic identity, and wanting to be distinguishable from people from other faiths. (Muslim)

To make Muslim women distinguishable from others. (Muslim)

Conclusions About Head Covering

Women’s decisions about the ways in which they cover their heads are reported as crucial in the development of adult religious identity. Head-covering decisions are embedded in decisions about relations to the host culture, acculturation strategies and the salience of religious identity. Community norms and family play a role, as do exhortations by religious leadership and peers, especially in ascribing close causal connections between modest dress including head covering and spirituality. From the experiential perspective, the notion of development is clearly useful: women see their decisions about head covering as key features of personal and spiritual identity development. Head covering and dress are seen not only as expressions of identity, but as ways managing of identity. Spiritual growth is thus not seen as a solely inner process, but one in which behaviour and ritual (in this case with respect to dress) exert an influence deserving more attention from social psychologists. Head/hair covering may be a feature valued by those following a separatist acculturation strategy: Close relations with members of wider society are not valued, while own-group identity, values and relationships are important. Hijab has been seen as creating barriers: In religious, academic and popular discourses the hijab and other “modesty issues” have become over-signified as symbols of Muslim women’s identity…a focus on clothing and modesty represent the ironies, contradictions and delicate negotiations that Muslim women constantly undertake. In most contexts, their visibility enhances and hinders the impact of their work. (Aune et al. 2013) The adoption of a sheitel (wig) rather than a more noticeable cloth head covering may be a symptom of an integrationist strategy, in which relations with members of the host culture are valued, as well as own-group identity, values and relationships. The less noticeable wig may not create the “barrier” understood by the wearing of a cloth head covering. Acculturation strategy has important implications for decisions about identity and what is regarded as a threat. From the IPT perspective, we can see several examples of the role played by head/hair covering in responding to identity threat. The decision about covering may throw up further challenges and changes.

Head covering for women in Islam and Judaism has been and is a hot topic for women in both religions. It appears to be a crucial feature in religious identity, apparently closely linked to profound issues of faith, relationships between the sexes and spirituality. Overall, what women have to say about head covering seems removed from the suggestion that this is a ritual driven by anxiety and the need to reduce it.

Final Conclusion

We opened this chapter by asking whether ritual was habit, empty of meaning and/ or driven by anxiety and the need to reduce it. These early twentieth-century suggestions have contributed to the still derogatory view of ritual. The two rituals we have investigated do not seem to be empty, meaningless habits for those who carry them out or driven by anxiety and the need to reduce it. Sabbath observance involves spiritual inspiration, focus on purpose and meaning and a deepening of personal relationships. Head covering involves crucial decisions about identity, carries major spiritual significance and is felt to foster and signal crucial features of the relations between women and men. Combining these conclusions, we see the reported impacts of ritual on spirituality, the sense of identity and meaning in life and the very powerful impacts on the forms and levels of social relationships. There is more to be done in examining a wider range of rituals. We believe this will broaden and deepen the understanding of ritual and will offer messages that may be helpful in a wide range of contexts.

Acknowledgements We would like to thank the TAG Institute for Social Development for their generous financial support of the research in the first study and to Daniel Fleishman (New York University Stern School of Business) for conducting many of the interviews. Lamis Al-Solaim generously conducted interviews on some Muslim participants in the second study. We thank all the research participants for their time and for sharing their experience. The first study was reported more fully in Dein and Loewenthal (2013), and the second study was first reported in Loewenthal (2012).